Pakistani media is trashy because people – that would be consumers of
media, or simply put, you – demand and happily receive trash. That was
the only explanation offered at an event that measured atmospheric
pressure of the media environment and found it low enough to predict
that stormy weather is only getting worse.
The Asian Media Barometer first conducted home-grown analysis of the
media landscape in Pakistan and India in 2009, in which India scored 2.4
and Pakistan a slightly better 2.5 out of a maximum score of 5. The 2012 Barometer found Pakistan sliding down to 2.4.
Beating India by one decimal point was the source of pride then, and
being where India was three years ago, is the saving grace now. But is
it?
Three of the four sectors analysed in the report, show a marked
decline in both practice and theory of basic media principles and
ethics. This does not, however, reflect in the overall score because the
‘freedom of expression’ sector received a more than generous
acknowledgment by panelists who number 11 (or 12, depending on what page
of the report you are on) and are drawn from within national media and
civil society.
A majority of them are so enamoured of the Zardari brand of democracy
that they find it impossible to consider that unreasonable and
restrictive provisions in law and Constitution, remain so during the
‘return of democracy’ period. In response to the statement: ‘There are
no laws or parts of laws restricting freedom of expression such as
excessive official secrets or libel acts, or laws that unreasonably
interfere with the responsibilities of media,’ only four panelists voted
1 (country does not meet indicator) while two voted 5 (country meets
all aspects of the indicator) and the rest fell in between. This, in the
face of a list of 11 pieces of legislation – the oldest from 1885 and
the latest from 2009 – the panelists were provided to debate over. I’d
give anything to watch a recording of that debate just to see how a
dozen experts discuss tainted laws, agree that they are unfair and
against the spirit of free expression, and yet reach an above average
score of 2.6 in aggregate.
The statements put to vote are, in some cases, quite vague or
outlandish, like: ‘Websites and blogs are not required to register with
or obtain permission from state authorities’ (it received a unanimous
maximum score of 5), and: ‘The advertisement market is large enough to
support a diversity of media outlets’. The only purpose they seem to
serve is giving some easy points to a country in need of easy points.
And the tradition of anonymous voting let loose the ghost panelists
who voted in a manner none of them would own up publicly. For instance:
‘Government makes every effort to honour regional and international
instruments on freedom of expression and freedom of the media,’ received
only one vote for ‘country does not meet indicator’ while all the rest
answered between ‘only a few’ and ‘most’ aspects met. This, in a country
where a democratically elected military president bans all electronic
media by simply passing an order; a country where a democratically
elected civilian government uses public service broadcasting for
propaganda, and threatens public servants with disciplinary action if
they are found to provide information to media; and a country which
(together with India and Brazil) has recently opposed the UN Plan of
Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity, despite
being one of the most dangerous countries for journalists.
‘The state does not seek to block or filter internet content unless
laws provide for restrictions that serve a legitimate interest and are
necessary in a democratic society’ – 10 panelists found the statement
true to some or the other extent but one found it perfectly applicable
to Pakistan. The current and previous governments have routinely
filtered internet access and explicitly blocked social network web sites
such as Facebook and Youtube.
‘Journalists and editors do not practice self-censorship’ – The
journalists of Fata and Balochistan fear militants, in Karachi they fear
MQM, and in Azad Kashmir and elsewhere, it is the sweeping powers of
military and the street power of religious groups. For one reason or
another, every Pakistani journalist and editor practices some degree of
self-censorship, and that’s only in terms of fear of violence. Pressure
from advertisers and political allies is another story. And yet, six of
11 panelists agreed with the statement somewhat. ‘Community broadcasting
enjoys special promotion given its potential to broaden access by
communities to the airwaves’ – six voted 1 while the rest five were
split between 2 and 3, whereas the factual position is, community
broadcasting does not exist in Pakistan.
‘Government does not use its power over the placement of
advertisements as a means to interfere with editorial content’ – again
10 panelists found that the country does not meet the indicator, while
two differed. And my favourite: ‘Owners of established mainstream
private media do not interfere with editorial independence,’ One special
(as in handicapped) panelist voted a lone 5 while the remaining 10
voted 1. This is not a difference of opinion; this is a difference of
180 degrees. The special panelist obviously knows nothing about media
owners, or he is one.
Fahad Hussain made the brave attempt to rescue the media by means of
the ‘mirror of society’ analogy – if every other section of the society
is rotten how do you expect media to be any different? People get the
media they deserve. And the moderator, Ghazi Salahuddin, concurred:
‘Pakistani media has also been subject to declining standards because of
the educational and cultural shortcomings of society. Low literacy and
high cost of newspapers have restricted circulation of print media. As
for the broadcast media, the tendency to appeal to the lowest common
denominator has increased exponentially,’ he writes in the summary of
the report commissioned and published by Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES),
a German non-profit organisation.
So there: It’s all your fault. And mine. The media in this country is
the way it is because we are like that. But that’s not the only
knowledge produced by putting German tax payer’s money to work in
Pakistan. More importantly, we have learnt that there aren’t 11 people
in a population of nearly 200 million who can agree on what is a fact
and what isn’t.
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